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So the Israeli government, at the very last moment, decided to do the right thing.
By rescinding the unconscionable decision to deport nearly 40,000 African refugees on the day the expulsions were supposed to begin, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wiggled his way out of a moral and political disaster, all with the help of the United Nations, the international organization his supporters love to demonize.
Sometimes, the cries of critics truly do sway public policy, and that seemed to be the case here. Even though a majority of Israelis told pollsters that they favored the deportations — which human rights activists warned would send these refugees back to certain danger in Rwanda and Uganda — tens of thousands of opponents took to the streets of Tel Aviv in February and again in March in protest. Ordinary Israelis from El Al pilots to kibbutz members to Holocaust survivors vowed to help those threatened, many of whom had lived in Israel for years, spoke Hebrew fluently, held down often-menial jobs, and tried to be productive members of society.
The mass deportation threat drew an unusual rebuke even from staunch Netanyahu supporters in the United States. A guest at one of our Seders said this upset him more than anything the government had tried to do in recent years. The cruelty seemed all the more ironic and troubling coming at Passover, a violation of the holiday's central message to remember our own slavery and wanderings.
In the deal struck with the U.N., the government will still send about 16,000 migrants to countries in Western Europe and allow others, many of whom are seeking asylum, to remain in Israel for at least the next five years. Migrants who will be absorbed by Western countries will be allowed to work in Israel until they leave, while those who stay will be granted legal status, a visa and eventual residency status. The government also pledged to improve living conditions in South Tel Aviv, where many asylum seekers live and many struggling older residents say they feel fearful and neglected.
Is there a broader lesson here? Too soon to tell. The racist undertones of the deportation policy — I'm sorry, there's no other way to describe it — and the fact that the refugees did not pose a security threat to the nation made their plight especially sympathetic.
It has proven much more difficult to arouse public sympathy and activism for the plight of Palestinians under Israeli occupation. The situation is far more complicated, of course, and the resolution to their misery and statelessness cannot be accomplished in a single news conference. The weekend clashes at the Gaza border illustrate that complexity, with Israeli troops firing live ammunition on non-violent protesters, while Hamas leaders, exploiting their people's deprivation, threaten to swarm Israel.
But in this season when liberation is celebrated and hope renewed, I wonder whether mass protests in Israel and by Jews everywhere could one day have a similar affect: To persuade the Israeli government that half a century of occupation is harming the Jewish democratic future and staining the Jewish soul. If there is the political will to reverse one bad decision, what could be next?
What else I'm reading. Reaction to the news from Gaza already is breaking down into predictable camps, with predictable accusations. For a sympathetic look at why Palestinians are protesting, Marilyn Garson's Haaretz column is worth a read. For an eloquent version of an Israeli point of view, I suggest David Horovitz writing in the Times of Israel.
If you seek a serious analysis that takes a critical look at all sides, read this column by Yossi Alpher, a Forward contributing editor and strategic expert. Warning: It's depressing. But then, so is Gaza's predicament.
And for a fascinating read closer to home, The Atlantic's April cover story by Michael Gerson, "How Evangelicals Lost Their Way" offers invaluable insight into the perplexing question of how a strain of Christianity so steeped in morality could swoon over Donald Trump. Gerson was raised and educated as an evangelical and remains one today, so the betrayal is personal.
"How did something so important and admirable become so disgraced?" he asks. It's a question that could apply more broadly in America, too.
Looking forward. Most of the special decorations and dishes I use only for Seders — the ceramic frogs and haroset bowls, the platter big enough for all that brisket and the finger puppets of Ten Plagues, the wine-stained Haggadot and the homemade pillows — have been put away. But the holiday is still young, and the silver cutlery that I inherited from my parents will be used through the week. I may tire of matzo sandwiches by day seven. I will never tire of using those precious forks, knives and spoons.
Remember to email me at JaneEisnerEIC@forward.com with your questions and concerns.
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